Showing posts with label rule of law. Show all posts
Showing posts with label rule of law. Show all posts

Wednesday, January 31, 2018

LGC Newsletter – January 2018



NEWS:
Guantánamo Bay
Pre-trial hearings in a number of cases continued at Guantánamo as it entered its 17th year of operation, and with 41 prisoners remaining. In the case of Abd Al Hadi Al Iraqi, a closed national security session, to discuss secret evidence, was held in a conference room near the Pentagon and not at Guantánamo. The hearing took place over two days in Alexandria, Virginia, without the prisoner or the public being allowed to attend or watch, and was held to discuss the evidence from a possible cross-examination of Saudi prisoner Ahmed Al-Darbi, who gave testimony against him last year as part of his plea deal which could see him released. The move is a first, as such secret sessions are usually held at Guantánamo and alongside ongoing hearings.
Al Iraqi is currently recovering from surgery on his back and his next two-week hearing is scheduled from 29 January.


Pre-trial hearings resumed in the case of the five men accused of involvement in the September 2001 attacks in New York. Lawyers for the defendants asked for the hearing to be suspended immediately as meetings in December between military lawyers and their clients were cancelled. One was allowed only 4 hours of meetings out of a scheduled 16 as the Defence Secretary Jim Mattis was visiting at the same time, and others were not allowed to meet clients at all.
In addition, when asked if they understood that they could waive attendance of the 7-day hearing, the defendants told the judge that they had been subject to intrusive groin searches prior to being allowed to enter the courtroom. The defendants called it “sexual harassment”. One defendant asked if he could leave the court immediately and was allowed to. The judge was told that 8 January was the date chosen “to implement an approved Standard Operating Procedure that permits physical groin searches”. Such searches have been carried out in the past.
As a result of these intrusive searches, two of the prisoners did not attend the hearing on Wednesday when an army major testified to the court that following the protest by the prisoners earlier in the week, the prison had stopped doing this. Only one prisoner attended this hearing. Other issues considered during the week-long hearings included the defence trying to retrieve government laptops issued to the prisoners to help them prepare for their hearings. The prosecution demanded that they are never given back to the prisoners.
In a later hearing, lawyers for the 5 defendants stated that their essential duty to their clients is compromised by “a prohibition against fully investigating the clandestine CIA prison network where the alleged terrorists were tortured.” Without knowing what actually happened to their clients, and being able to back that up with evidence, it is almost impossible for them to challenge the government’s narrative, particularly on the issue of torture. The prosecution claims that allowing defence lawyers to investigate could compromise the case.
In a separate ruling in the same case, on 19  January, the judge in the case, Army Col. James L. Pohl, ruled that he and the prosecution “did nothing wrong in authorizing the destruction of a former CIA “Black Site” prison without advance notice to defense attorneys.” Although the country the prison was located in is unspecified, “from 2002 to 2006, agents kept their captives naked, or in diapers, waterboarded some, rectally abused others, and used cramped confinement boxes and hot and cold temperatures to break the men in their pursuit of al-Qaida secrets — techniques that the Senate Torture Report mostly described as ineffective.” Defence lawyers have asked for him to stand down and for the prosecutors to be removed.

In the ongoing pre-trial hearing of Abd Al-Nashiri, his civilian lawyers who quit the case last year over an ethical conflict again refused to attend court; this was the third time that Rosa Eliades and Mary Spears refused to either attend the war court at Guantánamo or the Military Commissions headquarters in Virginia. Al-Nashiri was instead accompanied by a single defence lawyer, Navy Lieutenant Alaric Piette, who has no death penalty trial experience. As a result, a week-long hearing concluded much faster, and the judge told his sole lawyer that he should seek “self-help” and attend training to learn how to deal with capital cases where the death penalty may be applied.
 
On 6 January, the two-year period during which two former Yemeni prisoners, who cannot return to their country due to the war there, were authorised to stay in Ghana expired. The Ghanaian government has acknowledged that the two men were never accused of links to any terror groups and that they have caused no problems since their entry to the country, as well as it having strengthened ties with the US government through the agreement made to accommodate them.
The Ghanaian government presented a report to parliament stating that the two men, Mahmud Umar Muhammad Bin Atef and Khalid Muhammad Salih Al-Dhuby, should be allowed to stay as they pose no threat. The Ghanaian parliament is due to make a decision on the men remaining there. An August 2017 Supreme Court ruling stated that their stay in Ghana without parliamentary approval is unconstitutional.
Governmental financial assistance for 6 men who were sent to Uruguay in 2014 ends in January 2018. A two-year agreement made by the Uruguayan government and the men saw them paid a meagre stipend and rent for their accommodation until they find work. Finding steady work has proved difficult in the country where costs are high, they do not speak Spanish and there is much media scrutiny of their lives. Negotiations are under way and due to conclude by the end of January to decide whether the support provided will be extended for another year.

The Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR), Reprieve and others used the 16th anniversary of Guantánamo’s open on 11 January as an opportunity to file a collective case on behalf of 11 remaining prisoners to challenge their continued detention at Guantánamo on the basis that Donald Trump’s statement against releasing anyone from Guantánamo, regardless of their circumstances, “is arbitrary and unlawful and amounts to “perpetual detention for detention’s sake.”” The CCR stated: “The filing argues that continued detention is unconstitutional because any legitimate rationale for initially detaining these men has long since expired; detention now, 16 years into Guantánamo’s operation, is based only on Trump’s raw antipathy towards Guantánamo prisoners – all foreign-born Muslim men – and Muslims more broadly. CCR notes that Donald Trump’s proclamation that he will not release any detainees during his administration reverses the approach and policies of both President Bush and President Obama, who collectively released nearly 750 men. Trump’s blanket policy guarantees three, or even seven, more years of imprisonment unless the courts intervene now.”
As a result of this challenge, a week later, on 18 January, a court order the federal government to provide information on its Guantánamo policy. In response, the CCR stated: “We welcome the court’s prompt response to our collective action, and its order to the administration to state its plan and intentions for the prisoners being held without charge, including those previously approved for transfer by the government. However the Justice Department may respond in court, the administration’s actions and stated intentions have already spoken loudly. President Trump has declared that no detainee should be transferred from the prison. Accordingly, there has been no forward movement on Guantanamo for a full year. Men approved for transfer are still languishing with no prospect of release. Offices of special envoys tasked with negotiating transfers with foreign governments are officially or effectively defunct. And the Periodic Review Boards, while continuing in form, are devoid of real substance.    
"As we’ve said before, context also matters. The President has demonstrated, through vulgar words and deeds, his animus toward Muslims and non-white foreigners. With respect to suspects of terrorism in particular, he has gone so far as to call for overt torture.  It is plain to us that Trump has no intention of moving any detainee out of Guantanamo, and won’t, without the intervention of the court. The only acceptable position at this point is for the prison to close and for the men who remain detained to be charged or released.”
In addition, NGO Muslim Advocates filed an amicus brief to join the action along with 13 other organisations: https://www.muslimadvocates.org/13-muslim-faith-based-and-civil-rights-community-orgs-file-amicus-brief-in-support-of-guantanamo-bay-muslim-detainees/ Eight constitutional law professors have taken similar action: https://ccrjustice.org/sites/default/files/attach/2018/01/2018-01-22_GuantanamoAmicusBriefDueProcessScholars.pdf

LGC Activities:
Two events took place in London on 11 January to mark the 16th anniversary of Guantánamo Bay. At 12-3pm, the Guantánamo Justice Campaign led a vigil in Trafalgar Square that helped to raise awareness with the public of the ongoing situation, particularly as no mention had been made of the anniversary at all in the UK press.
At 6-8pm on the same evening, the London Guantánamo Campaign held a candlelight vigil outside the US Embassy in Grosvenor Square with activists standing in solidarity with the remaining prisoners by holding up images of the 41 men who remain. This was the LGC’s last protest outside the Grosvenor Square site after 12 years of regular protest. The US Embassy moved to its new Nine Elms location on 16 January.

Friday, September 19, 2014

David Anderson QC, Shaker Aamer and Anti-Terrorism Laws in the UK

As part of a review of investigatory powers prior to the general election in 2015 announced by Theresa May MP, the Home Secretary, to be carried out by the independent reviewer of terrorism legislation, David Anderson QC, a call for submissions was made https://terrorismlegislationreviewer.independent.gov.uk/review-of-communications-data-and-interception-powers/ (open until Friday 3 October 2014).

In response to this call, an LGC activist made an independent submission to draw awareness to the case of British resident Shaker Aamer, still held in Guantánamo Bay, given that David Anderson QC is the independent advisor to government on the highly sensitive issues of counter-terrorism and counter-radicalisation. In spite of his legal credentials, his response was a referral to reports that support the idea that it might not be unfair to condemn someone without evidence and abuse and imprison them without charge or trial, based simply upon unfounded suspicion and prejudice. Such views put forward by a senior legal figure appointed by the British government undermines the government's claims that it is committed to the rule of law and Mr Aamer's quest for freedom after having been held for almost 13 years without charge or trial and the least due process.



"26 August, 2014.

Dear David Anderson
Evidence for Investigating Powers Review

You have rightly commented that counter-terrorism is an important task that cannot be accomplished through legislation alone. The cooperation of individuals and communities is a vital element in countering “radical” ideas and indoctrination. It is important that those responsible for setting agendas for social responsibility, for civilising values, for cooperative and tolerant attitudes and behaviour, for acceptance and tolerance of difference, and for the setting of examples and inspiring virtuous and humane aspirations, as well as their various audiences, should feel valued, comfortable, and at ease with UK society and government.


I wish to draw your attention to the situation of Shaker Aamer, his family and supporters and many who have been actively campaigning, with no visible result, for over seven years. Shaker and his family decided that the Islamic commitment to supporting charity through contributions to the Friday collections was inadequate. Accordingly the entire family relocated to Afghanistan to do charitable work. After 9/11 the American ‘cavalry’ charged in with a mission to exact brutal retribution on anyone they determined, without evidence, could possibly have been implicated in the establishment of an Afghanistan-based terror machine. His wife and family escaped via Pakistan and have awaited, in Battersea, the return of their much loved father and husband since 2001. Shaker has been appallingly treated. He was cleared by six security agencies as being of no value as a Guantanamo prisoner in 2007. (This is security apparatus speak for: he is innocent, should never have been detained, has no evidence of any wrong-doing or malicious intent against his name, has no intelligence value and should be released immediately as his continuing imprisonment is a further gross injustice, compounding all previous injustices, and a cost and burden on the government of the United States.) For lack of any evidence or hint of wrong-doing he has never been charged or tried and there are no proposals to do so.


David Cameron. William Hague and Nick Clegg have all pledged to engage with US authorities to secure his release and return but since there are no results their pledges ring decidedly hollow. Jane Ellison MP for Battersea was comparatively active till promoted to a ministerial post. This government instituted an epetition scheme to enable issues of concern to electors to be properly aired. Over 117,000 signatures were collected for Shaker Aamer. I am certain that many times the number could have been were organisation better coordinated, and certainly there are many thousands who know and understand the story – and feel aggrieved at the treatment of an innocent charity worker simply because he was a Muslim charity worker in Afghanistan. The promised Parliamentary debate has not even been scheduled and there is no evidence that action is even in prospect. Records show that Britain was covertly complicit in Shaker’s treatment and suspicion naturally gravitates towards an explanation for delay implying that government embarrassment is the cause of Shaker’s continuing imprisonment. When I talk to Muslims particularly they are often inclined to express frustration over injustice, bigotry and prejudice. Nor are feelings of scepticism, betrayal and injustice confined to Muslims. Government inaction cannot be viewed in a positive light by anyone and procrastination and delays simply confirm in the minds of those, inclined to suspicion of government motives and intentions, that justice and treatment of Muslims is of a secondary order to the rest of UK society; and injustices are the result of government prejudice against Islam generally. I don’t believe this is at all helpful to community relations. I have repeatedly attempted to draw government’s attention to this issue without result. I have written to the Intelligence and Security Committee and to COBRA but my concerns were brushed off. Your predecessor, Lord Carlisle seemed also to be distinctly underwhelmed.


If what you said about perceptions and community relations was meant I would urge that you urgently make representations to anyone who will actually listen and get those in positions of responsibility and influence to take some effective action to bring Shaker back and reunite a family whose only motive for travelling to Afghanistan was to do something effective to make life better for others. For those in authority and power, who repeatedly like to point fingers of responsibility elsewhere, I can only say that the perception is that they are responsible for inaction and continued injustice, whatever I or anyone else says. It is not easy to accept a proposition that the UK government is powerless to effect the release and return of an innocent husband and father to his family in Battersea when the USA authorities themselves have cleared him for release in 2007, and again since, and have determined that there is no evidence of any wrong-doing whatsoever against him. Government correspondence is diverted through a Whitehall department called the Counter Terrorism Office which it is understood is staffed by former MI5 and MI6 officers whom it is widely believed have disincentives for actioning the release of Guantanamo prisoners; innocent or no. For their own sakes, for those with power and influence,  and for everyone else’s sake therefore it would be best to bite the bullet and resolve the issue now before further time and distrust are able to continue to corrode community relations. This must make good sense for you and colleagues who are attempting to resolve potential problems of “radicalisation”.  


I do look forward with great interest to your response and, judging by your own very sensible observations, sincerely hope that you will use your good offices to draw attention to the widespread perceptions of hypocrisy in this matter, urging that speedy and urgent action be taken now. I look forward to your response with hope and anticipation."

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He received the following response on 8 September 2014:

Thank you for your thoughtful and courteous letter of 26 August.
 
What you say about Shaker Aamer is of great interest, though some of it is not uncontroversial (for another perspective, see this article from 2012: http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB10001424052970204468004577164904145708474).
 
Though I consider Guantanamo to be a serious blot on the record of the United States in the “war against terror”, I regret that I am in no position to take a view on contested facts in the case of Shaker Aamer, still less to add my voice to the campaign for his release.  My statutory functions begin and end with the review of certain specific UK counter-terrorism legislation.  Though as you point out in the title of your letter I shall also be conducting an Investigatory Powers Review over the next few months, it does not appear that the issues you raise fall within the scope of that review either.
 
I am sorry not to have more encouraging news.
 
Yours sincerely,
 
David Anderson